One step forward with obstacles

The implementation of the Gazette is undeniably important. Thousands of Maratha education and employment quota are standing in Marathwada along with the Kunbi dynasty. For many people, it marks a long -time acknowledgment of their historical condition.

However, the scope of GR is narrow compared to the widespread demand for blanket reservation for all Marathas. Only the people who display Kunbi, Kunbi-Maratha, or Maratha-Kunbi dynasty with genealogy records are eligible.

This process will depend on the documents verified by the Shinde Committee, effectively except for large sections of the community that cannot present such records.

Community leaders noted that such certificates were available in the past, questioning whether this step represents real progress or represents re -packaging of earlier measures.

Legal and political balance act

The government’s dependence on Hyderabad Gazette reflects a careful attempt to balance community expectations with judicial inquiry. The previous efforts to start the exclusive Maratha quota were killed by the courts to dissolve constitutional boundaries on reservation.

Based on the new GR in the historical records, the state aims to create a defensive legal framework to avoid conflict with existing OBC groups, which is concerned about the weakening of its quota share.

Nevertheless, this step is politically frightening. The Bombay High Court has already indicated its impatience with large-scale protests, which disrupts civil life in Mumbai during the movement, warning of contempt work for non-transportation with restrictions. At the same time, the partial nature of GR risks leave many Marathas dissolved, which makes place for future movement.

A partial win

Therefore, the implementation of Hyderabad Gazette is considered the best as a partial win. It provides a legal opening for thousands of Marathas in Marathwada to reach OBC benefits, but is reduced by addressing the demand for comprehensive reservation. The remedy rests on personal evidence, not collective eligibility, which means that its access will be uneven and election will be fought.

As Maharashtra prepares to expand similar recognition through the Satara Gazette for Western Marathas, the broader question remains unanswered: Historical records and selective documents can actually solve the most complex and emotional reservation fight in the state? For now, Hyderabad gazette provides progress but not closed.

Islam, head of the welfare board of migrant workers of the state, has also made the issue wider compared to party politics. He said, “Anti-Bengali forces will not leave anyone, whether it is a member of the Matua, Rajbanshi, or a indigenous community,” he warned, urged solidarity in communities.

For many people, these incidents echo a chronic enmity. The ‘Bongal Kheda’ campaign of Assam in the 1960s targeted Bengalis for expulsion. In 2018, ULFA militants killed five Bengali Hindu women in Tinsukia. Now what is different is the reach of the slur: from the villages of Odisha to the hotel counters in Noida, from Nirodh camps in Assam to the streets of Kolkata.

Nobel Prize winner Amtya Sen has called this trend “unfortunate”, emphasizing that the Constitution gives every Indian the right to live and work anywhere in the country. The Bengal unit of the Congress has appealed to the Governor of Haryana to protect workers in an industrial hub like Paippat. Nevertheless, this assurance has been determined against the backdrop of fresh insults and violence.

Menak’s humiliation, Besra’s beating, sealdah attack, and the incident of Noida Hotel is united, with which the ‘Bangladeshi’ tag is thrown. It is a word that collapses identity, eradicates citizenship, and changes the simple task of speaking someone’s mother tongue in a responsibility.

For Bengalis who migrate to work or study, the results are Starks: they not only carry their belongings, but also the risk of having branded outsiders. For those people in Kolkata, the shock is still sharp – that in their own capital, once a bias imported from elsewhere now finds a house.

India’s pluralism has always rested on its languages, enrich the identity of each republic. To make Bengali – Language spoken by more than 100 million in India alone – a synonym of foreignliness is to highlight that cloth.

The resistance is stirring that the Menak refuses to back down, and to formally condemn these attacks to condemn these attacks. Nevertheless, the firm question of ‘Bangladeshi’ story from Noida hotels to Kolkata markets is a cool question: Can India save its citizens from turning into strangers in their land?

With PTI and media input