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Bihar: “Call it ‘special aggressive reconstruction'”

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There was never a sluggish election in Bihar. But at the end of this year, the visitors have ensured their place in history, before it comes in the way.

If all the discussions in Maharashtra were about the pure joint of about 40 lakh voters in the state between the Lok Sabha elections (in May 2024) and the state assembly elections (in November the same year), Bihar is a big conversation ahead of 2025.

Sir exercise – which has become a real test of citizenship – has not only panicked voters and most parties, but has also abducted about the issues of governance and campaign that dominate the media cycle before the election. Paranjoy Guha Thakurta Figured out Dipankar BhattacharyaLiberation to get his views on what is next in India’s general secretary Block Partner CPI (ML) Mukti Bihar. Part:

Let’s start the left. In West Bengal, after 34 years in power, now there is no MLA. Even in Tripura, it has lost land. What does the future look like – and why is optimism about your party in Bihar?

People often judge the left to the left, but it is a narrow approach. In Bihar, our electoral performance was not always notable, but for more than 25 years, we have been tirelessly effort on the ground – organizing such movements that often do not pay attention to anyone.

In West Bengal, the crisis, where the Left is not an MLA, stems from mistakes such as Singur and Nandigram’s misunderstanding. If the CPI (M) was not so rigid, the situation may be different.

These are local issues; It is not an indication that the leftists have become irrelevant across India. When you label Narendra Modi or other critics as ‘urban Naxal’, ‘Maoists’ or ‘extremists’, they are essentially targeting leftists. At its core, the leftists speak the truth for power, stand with people and fight against partition and hatred.

In today’s climate, I would say that the leftist is more relevant than ever. If we can lead the fight for democracy, we have a promising future.

Your party is part of the India block, which features Congress, RJD and other Left parties. In the past, you are also associated with Nitish Kumar’s JD (U), who left the so -called Mahagathan (Grand Alliance) Second time in January 2024. How do you see Nitish’s change, and what is your strategy within India?

Nitish Kumar has a famous history of switching aspects. For us, a focus has been on strengthening the (INDI) alliance to challenge the BJP’s divisive stories and policies. The purpose of our alliance with RJD, Congress and others is to unite people around issues like justice and equality, combating the BJP’s agenda.

Nitish earned Monikar ‘Susan Babu’ for policies like prohibition, which was particularly supported among women …

Nitish Kumar’s policies are inconsistent. Before prohibition, he established liquor outlets in every village and panchayat. This argument was then revenue, which he claimed that he would fund welfare programs like bicycles for girls. When he became a backfier, he picked up for the championing prohibition.

Caste is a major factor in Bihar, perhaps more than other states. Your party represents groups of extremely backward classes (EBCs), Mahadalits and other margins.

How will caste dynamics shape the upcoming elections, especially with non-yedt OBCs?

Caste affects politics across India, but is usually seen as a major feature in Bihar. Many people believe that caste is stable, but it develops. For example, in 1999, our Comrade Rameshwar Prasad, from Nonia Caste (an EBC), won in Araha, a stronghold of major castes. It has been shown that EBCs can break through.

Caste equations shift over time, and our party focuses on uniting people in castes to fight for wide issues such as social justice and equality rather than strengthening the division of caste.

Some criticize CPI (ML) for not enough for Muslims. What role Muslims play in your strategy, and do you support the inclusion of AIMIM in India’s block?

We want Muslims to be active leaders and equal partners in our movement – as they were during India’s freedom struggle. Muslims quickly saw their voting rights threatened, now other people are awake. We aim to increase Muslim participation in our party, not only as voters but also as equal stakeholders.

Regarding AIMIM, their inclusion in India BLOC depends on extensive coalition discussions, but our focus is on the inclusive participation of all communities. We want Muslims to be active leaders and equal partners in our movement – as they were during India’s freedom struggle.

Muslims quickly saw their voting rights threatened, now other people are awake. We aim to increase Muslim participation in our party, not only as voters but also as equal stakeholders. Regarding AIMIM, their inclusion in India BLOC depends on extensive coalition discussions, but our focus is on the inclusive participation of all communities.

In 2020, CPI (ML) fielded 19 candidates and won 12 seats. This time, you are asking for 40 candidates. Is he not ambitious? Will RJD and Congress agree?

In 2020, we contested from 19, won 12. Bihar has 38 districts, and we have a strong base in 25-year, with long-standing movements and organizations.

Our strategy is to field candidates where it strengthens (INDI) alliance. In 2020 and 2024, areas where we contested, also saw strong performances for RJD and Congress. By contesting elections in 24 districts – covering North, South, Kosi and Mithila regions – our aim is to promote the overall success of the coalition. We initially considered 50 seats, but settled at 40 after discussing their goals with the dynamics of the coalition.

In Maharashtra, voter lists were reportedly manipulated, adding more voters in five months than four years. There is a concern that the BJP excels in micro -level election management. Will Bihar face similar issues with Sir?

Bihar will oppose. We have challenged feudal control over elections since the 1980s. Earlier, people were prevented from voting, even though their names were shown in the voter list. Now, the manipulation targets the voter list directly.

In Maharashtra, people reacted only after the loss. People here have been protesting in villages and cities since 25 June (when he went to Sir).

In August, a movement against ‘Election Theft’ is planned, which tells those who rigged the voter role. Bihar will not be silent – it will fight back against this ‘aggressive reconstruction’ of the voter list, this detailed conspiracy to remove the poor of ‘universal adult suffrage’, is the only means to fight corporate loot of this land.

It is an edited transcript of video interview available on YouTube in Paranjoy online

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Claiming a ‘hydrogen bomb’ and other takeaways from a remarkable journey

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Gandhi reiterated the allegations of “rigging of industrial-mamane” in the 2019 Maharashtra assembly elections, accusing the Election Commission (ECI) of India to help the BJP to help in elections later.

Political observers in Patna believe that the Congress campaign has ignored the BJP. However, BJP leader and Patna Sahib MP Ravi Shankar Prasad dismissed Gandhi’s remarks as “irresponsible”, saying, “Whenever I listen to Rahul Gandhi, inside or out of Parliament, takes time to understand what he is trying to say.

Gandhi’s Pinpoint allegations and a large -scale mob in their voter Adikar Yatra meetings in front of the mob, however, such a thing looks rapidly irrelevant and clear. In the post-7 August press conference, not a single point-by-point rebellion of his allegations has come from either BJP or ECI.

The ECI has only denied Gandhi’s allegations. On August 14, it called Mahadevpura to Gandhi’s claims about “false and misleading”. Earlier in February, the ECI described it as “efforts to disappoint parties” as “completely absurd” by the ECI “disappointed with the poll results”.

Widely criticized and at the press conference, Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar dramatically announced that Gandhi either would have to prove his allegations or apologize to the nation “. Since then a fortnight has passed. Kumar is still waiting for the evidence that Gandhi has already presented.

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From VP Enclave to Chhatpur Farmhouse

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A direct competition is being read as a referendum on the hold of the governance on Parliament, the ability to keep colleagues together, and even its comfort with dissatisfaction within their own senior ranks.

In this light, a sudden exhaust of Dhankhar, converts a worldly vote into another test of strength for a government that prefers to project mandatory. The vacuum that he leaves is less about an office about reliability. If everything was really normal as revealed by the official line, the September 9 survey would be greater than the merit of more than a footnote. Instead, thanks to the mystery revolving around its departure, this has become another stage where the critics of the BJP detect the cracks in the carefully polished aspect of control.

Connecting another twist, Dhankhar has unexpectedly supported the sections of Jat farmer leaders in recent weeks, which see them as a figure based on installation. It can also explain the step of Chautla’s farmhouse. His support is hardly accidental: Dhankhar himself is from a major Jat background in Rajasthan, and many people in the farming community ignore him as a symptom of widespread neglect of JAT interests by the current regime.

Even after the opposition of the Agriculture Act and the government’s policy is marginalized in stones, for communities, the prediction of Dhankhar is being re -obtained as symbolic of its complaints. Their silence, irony, is that others have allowed their dissatisfaction to project their dissatisfaction, making him an unexpected rally point.

In the absence of clear answers, speculation persists, and the government’s silence is very low to reduce it. In a political culture accustomed to the story control, the secret around Jagdeep Dhankhar feels almost like an unwanted slip – unless, of course, it is not by design.

With PTI input

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The Bengal government is ready to support the government if it moves forward to maintain the jobs of ‘untreated’ teachers: Suwendu

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“Now that SSC is forced to publish a list of ‘disqualified’ candidates, although it is faulty, the state government nominated the 15,000-odd ‘qualified’ teachers in the House and made a proposal in the House and said that they should be allowed to maintain their jobs. The official said.

He said, “If the vacancies still persist, the state can move forward and fill them through the examination conducted through a transparent process,” he said.

The BJP leader also spoke to a part of the protesting teachers, outside the assembly premises, demanded an all-party resolution on the matter. “I think it would be difficult for you to start preparing for the exams that you had already taken nine years ago. That is why we are trying to resolve the crisis with the government,” Adhikari was heard saying this to the agitating teachers.

Welcoming the move, the teachers said that it could be a final attempt to save their jobs well which were earned on the basis of merit. “If this effort makes it frightening, it will set an example in the event of a gross injustice that we are at the end,” Chinmaya Mondal said, an agitating teacher who represents ‘unpublished’ candidates.

Under the leadership of the officer, BJP MLAs later held a protest rally within the assembly premises, blamed Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and demanded her resignation.

,Chakri Tumi Korkho Churi, Gadi Chaudho Taratari (You have stolen the jobs, now once vacated your chair), read posters made by opposition legislators who sports a caricature, possibly the Chief Minister’s.

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